di Antonio Saltini
When
the above was written, the “Ambassador for Famine” was
proclaiming to one and all that she had a doctorate in Quantum
Physics, a qualification which seemed to add credence to her
statements regarding western science. However, some smelt a rat.
HenryI. Miller and Drew L. Kershen
have recently revealed that this much-mentioned doctorate – now
filed away in the archive of a little-known Canadian university –
was an attack upon a theory which has received full experimental
confirmation. It would appear that Vandana Shiva’s grasp of quantum
physics is no more secure than her understanding of agronomy.
Reading about Vandana Shiva’s triumph in Bologna, one quickly sees the underlying message: hard truths should be left alone. This can be the only possible explanation for the fact that Italy, once home to the most prodigious advances in Western science, is now welcoming with open arms the spokesperson for a Brahminic doctrine which, in its own homeland, has forced millions of peasant farmers to adopt primitive agricultural practices that result in them falling victim to famine, disease and usury.
Reading about Vandana Shiva’s triumph in Bologna, one quickly sees the underlying message: hard truths should be left alone. This can be the only possible explanation for the fact that Italy, once home to the most prodigious advances in Western science, is now welcoming with open arms the spokesperson for a Brahminic doctrine which, in its own homeland, has forced millions of peasant farmers to adopt primitive agricultural practices that result in them falling victim to famine, disease and usury.
The
heterogeneous source material we use in writing history can be
assessed comparatively – striving for the most balanced reading –
or it can be used in a more selective fashion, in order to support
pre-defined ideas, creeds or political beliefs. There is no doubt
that the ambassador of New Brahmanism falls into the second category
in her use of historical sources. Nonetheless, her theories still
maintain their hold over enthusiastic disciples, who appear unable to
see that those ideas lead to famine.
True,
one could point out that India has been subject to famine for
centuries. When Muhmad, Lord of Ghazni, swept through the passes of
the Indian Kush to punish and enslave a people of idolaters, he laid
the foundations of a Moghul dominion over the subcontinent that would
be almost unique in its combination of avidity, cruelty and
corruption – exemplified by such figures as Shah Jahan and
Aurangheb, the most powerful in a succession of despots. In order to
amass the funds needed to build the largest mosques in the East –
and to fund the massive armies that were to attempt the conquest of
the entire continent – those great Moghuls forced Indian peasants
into a endless state of famine; and any who rebelled again this state
of affairs were crushed – literally (beneath the feet of imperial
elephants).
Later,
famine in the name of the Prophet was replaced by famine in the name
of Her Britannic Majesty. When, using methods that were practically
indistinguishable from piracy, the first English merchant-adventurers
seized rich cities on the coasts of India, Great Britain itself was
the centre of world advances in agriculture (progress that provided
the nation’s navy with the high-quality salted beef that was almost
as necessary for its marauding enterprises as gunpowder and cannon).
However, the vice-regents that subsequently ruled the subcontinent in
the name of Queen Victoria would do absolutely nothing to encourage
progress in Indian agriculture. They themselves were British
aristocrats, owners of the best-farmed estates in the world – yet
though they had first-hand knowledge of modern agronomy, their
activities in India were inspired by a different logic. There were
strict orders from London that it was opium they should be producing.
The
flourishing opium trade with China was something that the British had
inherited from India’s Moghul rulers. However, China itself was
taking steps to prohibit a commerce that drained its silver resources
and stultified wide sections of its population. Acting upon that ban,
a zealous imperial official had a cargo of the drug burnt at Canton
harbour, little thinking that this slight to the property of Her
Majesty would unleash all the jingoistic fury of the then foreign
minster, Lord Palmerston. With his usual flair for playing to the
gallery, he sent an admiral of proven ruthlessness – Lord Elgin –
to bombard the city westerners then referred to as Peking; the
massacre of civilians would, it was supposed, quickly oblige the
emperor to sign a treaty that required his country to acquire
astronomical quantities of opium. This duly happened, and by force of
arms Queen Victoria became the greatest drug trafficker in history.
With
the practicality for which they are much appreciated, the British
were also quick to see the advantages on maintaining within India the
caste system that had served the Moghuls so well as they plundered
the country’s resources. In the countryside this meant a clear
distinction between the rayat,
peasants who enjoyed no property rights at all, and zimandar,
land agents working for the aristocracy. The latter squeezed every
last drop of blood from the former in striving to obtain the highest
possible production of opium for China, cotton for the mills of
Manchester and tea for the sitting-rooms of the entire British Isles;
the starving peasants were even forced to load cargoes of wheat onto
ships bound for London and Bristol. It can be no surprise, therefore,
that the advent of independence raised the possibility of massive
famine: India’s entire agriculture had previously be geared to
production for export, with peasants being allowed solely a tiny plot
of land to grow the rice that fed their family.
That fearful possibility was avoided thanks to the actions of a woman: Indira Gandhi. Whilst Parliament quibbled over ethical, religious and philosophical reasons for banning the introduction of western agricultural technology (which the British had been careful not to make widely available in the country), she invited the future Nobel-winner Norman Borlaug to visit the country. When he explained that wheats developed to defeat famine in Mexico could produce 3-4 times more than those traditionally planted by Hindu farmers, Gandhi pushed aside opposition from Parliament and ordered her minister for agriculture, Mr Subramaniam, to purchase western seeds created in Mexico. It was the gift of the U.S.A.’s remaining war stocks that averted the potential catastrophe which loomed as a result of the rainless monsoon season of 1965. But over the next two years – almost equally poor in rainfall – the Borlaug seeds would be prodigiously successful: during the third harvest after their introduction the school year had to be cut short because farmers simply had nowhere to store the abundant crop and needed to use village classrooms as granaries.
Since
then the Indian population has increased fourfold, and – whatever
ingenious arguments might say to the contrary – the reason why
millions of people have been spared famine is the introduction of
those Borlaug wheats and the rice varieties that were developed,
using his selection procedures, at Los Baños in the Philippines
(varieties that have now spread throughout Asia and tripled or
quadrupled production in favourable conditions).
Given these phenomenal agricultural achievements in the subcontinent – with a prodigious increase in daily calorie intake – it is sad to note that various sources suggest that the rate of agronomical advance in India has slowed. After the assassination of Indira Gandhi, it was the neo-Brahmins who took power, re-asserting their ancient prestige and violently opposing the use of western science in agriculture. Paradoxically, a country that was happy to obtain the atomic bomb and ballistic missiles is now turning its back on advances within the science which made it possible for India to increase its population without falling victim to famine on a biblical scale.
The
further irony is that whilst it was a woman who, with the courage of
a lioness, forced her country to accept the western science which
would enable it to feed its people, it is another woman – champion
of a neo-Brahmanism that is inherently hostile to western science –
who is now greeted in the West as the prophet of a new relationship
between humankind and the land which provides our food. But what such
hosannas fail to note is that this “new relationship” is
predicated on the tradition which was set aside by Indira Gandhi
herself – a relationship which for a thousand years forced hundreds
of millions of Indian rayat
to live under the perpetual threat of famine.
When assessing the political ideals of these two women one cannot ignore the fact that, though millennia of human history have seen the emergence of a number of philosophies and “sciences”, none of these has resulted in technological applications comparable to those generated by the “experimental method” championed more than four centuries ago by the likes of Bacon and Galileo. And if there is no denying that it is technology and science which for three centuries have allowed the West to impose its, often arrogant, will upon the rest of the world, it is also true that this same science generated agricultural methods that resulted in a threefold increase in food production over the period 1950-2000, thus making it possible to feed a population that had doubled in just 45 years (as well as provide the medicines that have prolonged life expectancy, even amongst the poorest). Egyptian, Indian or Chinese science never achieved anything comparable; indeed, for millennia, the relation between population numbers and agricultural resources in both India and China was subject to intermittent “readjustment” through famine after long periods of plenty. This was the truth which was grasped by Indira Gandhi, but which India’s new ambassador for famine is now trying to conceal, with arguments unbefitting someone who professes a training in the science she critics (however, see footnote).
One might conclude this brief history of Indian famine – recalled in response to the Bolognese triumph of the champion of Neo-Brahmanism – by mentioning two unfortunate “firsts” for India. One regards the complete subjection of the rayat to zimandar. A system with deep historical roots that was then consolidated by Moghul emperors and finally set in stone (or, at least, legislation) by British vice-regents, this leads to tens of thousands of suicides every year, when usurers exert their rights and seize the property of peasant farmers, who are thus turned out into the streets as beggars. The other “first” which is no boast for India is the pervasive presence of tuberculosis in its rural areas, with no health campaigns being launched to contain the disease. Even Mussolini, when informed that malnourishment meant that an entire household inevitably caught TB when just one family member became infected, quickly instituted a system of isolation for patients. True, his concern was inspired by the desire to protect the warrior blood of Italy, but it did restrict the spread of a disease for which there were no viable antidotes.
When assessing the political ideals of these two women one cannot ignore the fact that, though millennia of human history have seen the emergence of a number of philosophies and “sciences”, none of these has resulted in technological applications comparable to those generated by the “experimental method” championed more than four centuries ago by the likes of Bacon and Galileo. And if there is no denying that it is technology and science which for three centuries have allowed the West to impose its, often arrogant, will upon the rest of the world, it is also true that this same science generated agricultural methods that resulted in a threefold increase in food production over the period 1950-2000, thus making it possible to feed a population that had doubled in just 45 years (as well as provide the medicines that have prolonged life expectancy, even amongst the poorest). Egyptian, Indian or Chinese science never achieved anything comparable; indeed, for millennia, the relation between population numbers and agricultural resources in both India and China was subject to intermittent “readjustment” through famine after long periods of plenty. This was the truth which was grasped by Indira Gandhi, but which India’s new ambassador for famine is now trying to conceal, with arguments unbefitting someone who professes a training in the science she critics (however, see footnote).
One might conclude this brief history of Indian famine – recalled in response to the Bolognese triumph of the champion of Neo-Brahmanism – by mentioning two unfortunate “firsts” for India. One regards the complete subjection of the rayat to zimandar. A system with deep historical roots that was then consolidated by Moghul emperors and finally set in stone (or, at least, legislation) by British vice-regents, this leads to tens of thousands of suicides every year, when usurers exert their rights and seize the property of peasant farmers, who are thus turned out into the streets as beggars. The other “first” which is no boast for India is the pervasive presence of tuberculosis in its rural areas, with no health campaigns being launched to contain the disease. Even Mussolini, when informed that malnourishment meant that an entire household inevitably caught TB when just one family member became infected, quickly instituted a system of isolation for patients. True, his concern was inspired by the desire to protect the warrior blood of Italy, but it did restrict the spread of a disease for which there were no viable antidotes.
There
is, therefore, something disturbing about the fact that Vandana Shiva
enjoyed such a triumph in Bologna. Political sensibilities might have
resulted in rayat
becoming known by a different name, but the truth is that peasant
subjection to usury is still a huge problem in India and still
results in enormous numbers of suicides (the one remedy for the shame
of being reduced to beggary). What is more, India is also a country
whose governing classes do not see fit to protect the nation’s
“pariahs” from an endemic disease which is now well-controlled in
countries that are far from wealthy. If Vandana Shiva does not feel
she can use her position to attack the adoption of western science
that has made India into an atomic power, she could at least turn her
attention to such social injustices within her own country, or
champion the creation of the sort of TB sanatoriums set up by
Mussolini. Instead, she chooses to argue for the reintroduction of
the sort of famine agriculture that a great Indian politician had
relegated to the past. Why this should be so, I cannot say. However,
given it is, the applause and ovations that greeted her in Bologna
are, at the very least, ill-informed. Some might even describe them
as an expression of wilfully blind fanaticism.
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